Austen never says what Mr Collins earned. The figures on this page come from the record around the novel: a Kent county history of the 1790s, the clergy directories of the 1830s, a Norfolk parson’s account book, and the law of marriage as William Blackstone stated it in 1765. Every modern value is converted the same way, explained in note 1.1
Did Charlotte say she was frightened?
No. The speech in the 2005 film, in which Charlotte says she is twenty-seven and frightened and that Elizabeth has no right to judge her, is not in the novel. The director, Joe Wright, has said Emma Thompson made it up on Hampstead Heath while he took notes.2 In the book Charlotte’s only visible upset is “a momentary confusion” when Elizabeth reproaches her, and she recovers within the sentence.3
She had also explained herself long before. In chapter 6 she tells Elizabeth, “Happiness in marriage is entirely a matter of chance,” and Elizabeth laughs at her: “You make me laugh, Charlotte; but it is not sound.”4 Sixteen chapters later she sees Mr Collins from an upper window and goes out “to meet him accidentally in the lane.” The narrator calls it “Miss Lucas’s scheme.”3
Was twenty-seven too old to marry?
Late, but not unusually so. The Cambridge Group for the History of Population puts English women’s average age at first marriage at about twenty-four in these decades, the lowest since 1550 apart from the 1950s and 1960s.5 Austen calls Charlotte “about twenty-seven,” three years past that average.6
Historians still argue about the figure itself. Steven Ruggles holds that the method behind it misses women who moved away and gives averages two to four years too low; E. A. Wrigley, who built the series, disagrees.7 If Ruggles is right, Charlotte was exactly average. Parish registers of the time cannot settle it, because they did not record a bride’s age.
How much money did she have?
Very little, and Austen says so: her parents “could give little fortune.”3 Her father had made his money in trade, then gave the business up when he was knighted and lived “unshackled by business” at Lucas Lodge.6
A gentry daughter’s portion, the capital settled on her at marriage, usually ran from £500 to £2,000.8 The interest on it was what she could live on. Mr Collins names the rate himself when he reminds Elizabeth of her “one thousand pounds in the 4 per cents.”9 At 4 or 5 percent, £500 paid £20 to £25 a year.
How much was Mr Collins’s living worth?
The novel says only “a good house and a very sufficient income.”10 A living was a clergyman’s post and its income together, held for life. As a rector, Mr Collins took all the tithes of his parish, including the great tithes: a tenth of the corn, hay and wood grown there.11
Hunsford is invented, but Austen puts it “near Westerham, Kent,” where every parish is real. Edward Hasted’s county history, published while Austen was drafting the novel, valued Penshurst, the richest rectory nearby, at “four hundred pounds and upwards,” and Hever, near the bottom, at “about 200l.”12 That gives a range of roughly £200 to £450 a year.
A stated value was a ceiling, since curates had to be paid out of it.13 James Woodforde, a Norfolk rector, collected about £205 to £240 a year (about £20,500 to £24,000, or $26,000 to $30,700, today) from a living “worth it is said £300.”14 Even so, Mr Collins was fortunate. Irene Collins, a historian of the Georgian clergy, calls a good living at twenty-four or twenty-five “a most unlikely occurrence.”15
The money at a glance
| Sum | What it was | Today, by retail prices |
|---|---|---|
| £20 to £25 a year | Interest on a £500 portion at 4 to 5 percent | about £2,000 to £2,500 ($2,600 to $3,200) |
| about £50 a year | A curate’s usual pay16 | about £5,000 ($6,400) |
| £5 15s 6d a year | A Norfolk rector’s maid, 177814 | about £580 ($740) |
| £200 to £450 a year | A good rectory near Westerham, 179712 | about £20,000 to £45,000 ($25,600 to $57,500) |
| £608 a year | Westerham’s living, about 183113 | about £60,700 ($77,600) |
| £1,000 a year | Income needed to keep a carriage, 182517 | about £100,000 ($128,000) |
Retail prices measure what money would buy. For where a family stood socially, average earnings are the better guide, and they give much larger figures: the £200 to £450 rectory comes to about £206,000 to £464,000 ($263,000 to $593,000).1 (A shilling, written s, was a twentieth of a pound; a penny, d, a twelfth of a shilling.)
What came with the marriage?
The house first. The 1836 clergy directory marked Westerham’s living as having “a Glebe House attached, fit for residence,” which was far from certain: in perhaps a quarter of English parishes there was no parsonage, or none fit to live in.13 16 Elizabeth finds the Hunsford house “rather small, but well built and convenient.”18 She also notices that Charlotte sits in a small back room, when the dining parlor is larger and has the better view. The reason, Elizabeth decides, is that Mr Collins “would undoubtedly have been much less in his own apartment had they sat in one equally lively.”19
A place in every room. John Trusler’s book of table manners, published in 1788, puts the rule plainly: “Where a company is equal in point of rank, married ladies take place of single ones.”20 From her wedding day Charlotte went in ahead of every unmarried woman of her rank. A household manual of 1825 tells the new wife she will “send her cards in return for those which are left at her house,” so callers now came to her, in her own name.21
Servants, though few. Mr Collins speaks of “our small rooms, and few domestics.”22 A servants’ manual of 1825 set one maid of all work against an income of £200 a year. In practice wages ran lower than the manuals suggest: Woodforde’s maid earned £5 15s 6d a year and bought her own tea and sugar out of it.14 17
Work. Charlotte walked to Rosings with her husband most days, and Elizabeth could not see why “till Elizabeth recollected that there might be other family livings to be disposed of.”19
What did it cost her?
Her standing in law. Blackstone, in 1765: “By marriage, the husband and wife are one person in law: that is, the very being or legal existence of the woman is suspended during the marriage.”23 A wife’s property became her husband’s, and she could not make a contract or bring a lawsuit without him. Ellen Weeton, a governess who married a Wigan cotton spinner in 1814, was later left a legacy of £60 (about £6,000, or $7,700, today), and “the whole amount was immediately forfeited to her then husband.” Of her own wedding she wrote that she had “resigned my prospects of future happiness or misery for this life, into the hands of another.”24
Any way out. A full divorce needed a private Act of Parliament. Published counts run from about 310 to 320 such Acts between 1700 and 1857, and four went to women.25
Any security after his death. The living ended with Mr Collins’s life, and the parsonage passed to the next man. Until the Pluralities Act of 1838, a clergyman’s widow had no legal right to stay in the house at all; the Act gave her “any period not exceeding two calendar months.”26 When the Commons debated it, members heard of a patron who had threatened a clergyman and carried out the threat “upon the incumbent’s death by immediately dispossessing his widow and family of their place of residence.”26
Did women Austen knew make the same choice?
One did. Her friend Catherine Bigg, born the same year as Austen, married the Reverend Herbert Hill on October 25, 1808, at thirty-three; he was about fifty-nine. Hill was a younger son who had paid his own school bills and earned his way through the church.27 Austen sent verses wishing her “no tears to wipe, but tears of joy,” and the night before the wedding wrote to her sister, “to-morrow we must think of poor Catherine.”28 Catherine had six children, was widowed in 1828, and lived another twenty years as a clergyman’s widow, with the living gone from the family.28
What does Austen make of it?
She leaves the verdict open. After a fortnight at Hunsford, Elizabeth admits “it was all done very well,” and on leaving she thinks: “Poor Charlotte! it was melancholy to leave her to such society! But she had chosen it with her eyes open.”29 Elizabeth never withdraws her first judgment, that the marriage was a humiliating choice, and she never repeats it either. Both views stand in the novel, and the record outside it does not settle the question for her.
The film ends on a question. If the only offer you were likely to get came from a man you could not respect, but with a house, a position and work you could do well, would you have gone out to the lane or stayed at the window? The conversation is open in the comments on YouTube.
Footnotes
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Modern values use MeasuringWorth (Lawrence H. Officer and Samuel H. Williamson), “Five Ways to Compute the Relative Value of a UK Pound Amount, 1270 to Present,” 1815 base, target year 2024, retrieved August 11, 2026: £1 of 1815 is about £100 by retail prices and about £1,032 by average earnings, https://www.measuringworth.com/calculators/ukcompare/ Sums from other years are converted on the 1815 base for comparability. Dollar values convert those modern pounds at the Bank of England’s 2024 annual average spot rate, $1.2783 to £1 (series XUAAUSS), https://www.bankofengland.co.uk/boeapps/database/fromshowcolumns.asp?Travel=NIxAZxSUx&FromSeries=1&ToSeries=50&DAT=RNG&FD=1&FM=Jan&FY=2020&TD=31&TM=Dec&TY=2025&FNY=Y&CSVF=TT&html.x=66&html.y=26&SeriesCodes=XUAAUSS&UsingCodes=Y&Filter=N&title=XUAAUSS&VPD=Y (read October 14, 2026). Period pounds are never converted straight to period dollars. ↩ ↩2
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Joe Wright’s on-record account of Emma Thompson improvising the speech, given for the film’s twentieth anniversary, reported by Deadline, April 2025, https://deadline.com/2025/04/pride-and-prejudice-joe-wright-emma-thompson-improvised-1236372663/ It is the director’s stated account, not a production record. ↩
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Jane Austen, Pride and Prejudice (1813), ch. 22. Quotations from the novel follow the Project Gutenberg text, eBook #1342, from the 1894 George Allen edition, https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/1342 ↩ ↩2 ↩3
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Austen, Pride and Prejudice, ch. 6. ↩
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Alice Reid, “What age did people marry?”, Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure blog, July 11, 2024, https://www.campop.geog.cam.ac.uk/blog/2024/07/11/what-age-did-people-marry/ ↩
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Steven Ruggles, “The limitations of English family reconstitution,” Continuity and Change 14, no. 1 (1999): 105-30, at 119-22; E. A. Wrigley, “The Effect of Migration on the Estimation of Marriage Age in Family Reconstitution Studies,” Population Studies 48, no. 1 (1994): 81-97. ↩
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Hugh Gareth Davies, “Marriage Strategies of Midlands ‘Lesser Gentry’, c.1660-1820” (PhD thesis, University of Warwick, 2018), 96, 198-202, https://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/id/eprint/102069; Edward Copeland, “Money,” in The Cambridge Companion to Jane Austen (Cambridge University Press, 1997), 134. ↩
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Austen, Pride and Prejudice, ch. 19. ↩
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Austen, Pride and Prejudice, ch. 15. ↩
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Eileen Sutherland, “Tithes and the Rural Clergyman in Jane Austen’s England,” Persuasions 16 (1994): 48-54, https://jasna.org/persuasions/printed/number16/sutherland.pdf ↩
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Edward Hasted, The History and Topographical Survey of the County of Kent, 2nd edn, 12 vols (Canterbury, 1797-1801), parish entries for Penshurst and Hever. Austen places Hunsford “near Westerham, Kent” in ch. 13. ↩ ↩2
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Richard Gilbert, The Clerical Guide and Ecclesiastical Directory, new edn (London: J. G. and F. Rivington, 1836), entry for Westerham, key to symbols, and editor’s note on curates’ stipends, https://archive.org/details/clericalguideecc00gilb; Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of England (London, 1848), “Westerham,” which gives the same £608, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/topographical-dict/england/pp517-519 ↩ ↩2 ↩3
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James Woodforde, The Diary of a Country Parson, ed. John Beresford, vol. 1 (Oxford University Press, World’s Classics), diary entries for November 5, 1774 (the reputed value), the tithe audits of December 3, 1776, December 2, 1777, November 30, 1779 and December 4, 1781, and October 14, 1778 (the maid’s wage, as transcribed at johnhearfield.com/History/Woodforde.htm). ↩ ↩2 ↩3
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Irene Collins, “Displeasing Pictures of Clergymen,” Persuasions 18 (1996): 109-19, https://jasna.org/persuasions/printed/number18/collins.pdf ↩
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Rory Muir, Gentlemen of Uncertain Fortune: How Younger Sons Made Their Way in Jane Austen’s England (Yale University Press, 2019), 49-50 on parsonages and 57-58 on curates’ pay, drawing on Peter Virgin, The Church in an Age of Negligence (1989). ↩ ↩2
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Samuel and Sarah Adams, The Complete Servant (London, 1825), table of household establishments by income; Project Gutenberg eBook #69487, https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/69487 ↩ ↩2
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Austen, Pride and Prejudice, ch. 28. ↩
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John Trusler, The Honours of the Table, or Rules for Behaviour during Meals (London, 1788), first edition, https://archive.org/details/bim_eighteenth-century_the-honours-of-the-table_trusler-john_1788 ↩
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Mrs William Parkes, Domestic Duties; or, Instructions to Young Married Ladies, 2nd edn (London: Longman, 1825), https://archive.org/details/b21527611 ↩
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Austen, Pride and Prejudice, ch. 38. ↩
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William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, bk. 1, ch. 15 (1765), https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/blackstone_bk1ch15.asp ↩
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Ellen Weeton, Miss Weeton: Journal of a Governess, ed. Edward Hall, 2 vols (Oxford University Press, 1936-39), vol. 2, as quoted by Amanda Vickery, The Gentleman’s Daughter (Yale University Press, 1998); Alan Roby, Past Forward 27 (Wigan Archives), on the legacy; Danaya C. Wright, “Coverture and Women’s Agency,” in Married Women and the Law: Coverture in England and the Common Law World (McGill-Queen’s University Press); manuscripts at Archives: Wigan and Leigh, Edward Hall Diary Collection, EHC/165, https://archives.wigan.gov.uk/archive/the-edward-hall-diary-collection/ellen-weeton ↩
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The National Archives, “Divorce” research guide; UK Parliament, “Obtaining a divorce”; History of Parliament, “Attitudes to Women’s Petitions for Divorce,” June 14, 2022. The four women were Addison (1801), Turton (1831), Battersby (1840) and Hall (1850). ↩
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Pluralities Act 1838 (1 & 2 Vict. c. 106), s. 36; Hansard, House of Commons debate, May 11, 1838, Benefices Pluralities Bill. ↩ ↩2
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The Collected Letters of Robert Southey, Romantic Circles, “Hill, Herbert (c. 1749-1828),” https://romantic-circles.org/editions/southey_letters/node/19526 ↩
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Deirdre Le Faye, ed., Jane Austen’s Letters, 4th edn (Oxford University Press, 2011), letter 60 (October 24, 1808) and Biographical Index; Jane Austen’s House, Chawton, verses to Catherine Bigg, August 26, 1808, object CHWJA:JAHLTR1. ↩ ↩2
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Austen, Pride and Prejudice, chs. 28 and 38; Elizabeth’s first judgment is in ch. 22. ↩




